去年的案子中我選了這幅參加美國ADC Award,雖然沒有得獎,但報名的時候滿心希望這幅台灣的作品和這個計畫能讓更多人看到。畫中其實有很多細節,有興趣的話下方是參賽時寫的作品描述(我還沒翻中文版):
The illustration visualized an eco-political project that advocates for environmental protection, conservation and encourages people to search for their identity by walking into nature. The image not only depicts the project concepts, but also comprehensively shows 6 primary missions: The Green New Deal, Nature Protection, Carbon Valley, Rite of Passage, Soft Power, and Geopolitical Cornerstone. This enables the client to propose the project to the government, and promote ideas of environmental and political changes to the public.
Taiwan is an island divided by the Central Mountain Range. Located to the west of the range are the large cities inhabited by the majority of the population. In contrast, located to the east of the range are the natural sites and homes of the indigenous population for thousands of years. The 3 hikers depicted on the left are a metaphor for people searching for their identity. By walking through the Japanese Shrine, they cross over Taiwan’s complex history of colonization by many different countries. On the right side is an imaginary city called “Carbon Valley,” which is the idea of a sustainable energy research centre. The Formosan Sika deer is the endemic species in Taiwan but became extinct in 1969. In the illustration, it symbolizes and raises the awareness of nature conservation.
The commission was delivered in August 2020, however the project is still ongoing.
#illustration #illustrationartists #ecofriendly #ecology #greennewdeal #taiwan #nature #taiwanese #mountains #mountainrange #deer #indigenous #culture
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過11萬的網紅Lukas Engström,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Note: I have been in contact with Yasemin directly after this letter was published. She is not only supportive of me sharing her letter, she also ment...
「promote it on中文」的推薦目錄:
- 關於promote it on中文 在 Peichi Wu Illustration Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於promote it on中文 在 Eric's English Lounge Facebook 的精選貼文
- 關於promote it on中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於promote it on中文 在 Lukas Engström Youtube 的最佳解答
- 關於promote it on中文 在 網路上關於Promote it on-在PTT/MOBILE01/Dcard上的升學 ... 的評價
- 關於promote it on中文 在 網路上關於Promote it on-在PTT/MOBILE01/Dcard上的升學 ... 的評價
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promote it on中文 在 Eric's English Lounge Facebook 的精選貼文
[時事英文]臺灣六大戰略產業
In President Tsai’s inauguration speech, it was mentioned that Taiwan will develop six core strategic industries to transform it into a critical force in the global economy. Below are the six industries and plans for developing them.
Are you ready for the development of next generation technologies?
蔡總統於就職演說時提到,臺灣將利用當前六大戰略產業的機遇,使臺灣蛻變為全球經濟的關鍵力量。以下為六大戰略產業及其發展計劃。你準備好開發下一個世代的科技了嗎?
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Six Core Strategic Industries
First, we will continue to develop our information and digital industries. We will take advantage of Taiwan's strengths in the semiconductor and ICT industries to secure a central role in global supply chains, and make Taiwan a major base for the development of next generation technologies, including IoT and AI.
1. information and digital industries 資訊與數位產業
2. semiconductor 半導體
3. ICT (Information and Communication Technology) 資訊與通訊科技
4. secure a central role 獲得一個核心地位
5. a major base 重要的基地
6. IoT (Internet of Things) 物聯網
7. AI (Artificial Intelligence) 人工智慧
六大核心戰略產業
第一,台灣要持續強化資訊及數位相關產業發展。我們要利用半導體和資通訊產業的優勢,全力搶占全球供應鏈的核心地位,讓台灣成為下一個世代,資訊科技的重要基地,全力促進物聯網和人工智慧的發展。
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Second, we are going to develop a cybersecurity industry that can integrate with 5G, digital transformation, and our national security. We will strive to create cybersecurity systems and an industrial chain that can protect our country and earn the world's trust.
8. cybersecurity industry 資安產業
9. integrate with 結合
10. digital transformation 數位轉型
第二,台灣要發展可以結合5G時代、數位轉型、以及國家安全的資安產業。我們要全力打造可以有效保護自己,也能被世界信賴的資安系統及產業鏈。
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Third, we are going to create biotech and medical technology industries integrated with the rest of the world. Throughout this pandemic, Taiwanese teams have proven that they are capable of working with world-class technologies to produce reagents and develop new drugs and vaccines. We are going to give these industries our utmost support, and transform Taiwan into a key force in the global battle against infectious diseases.
11. biotech and medical technology 生物與醫療科技
12. capable of 有能力做……
13. world-class 世界級的;世界一流的
14. reagent 試劑;試藥
15. vaccine 疫苗
16. utmost support 全力扶持;最大的支持
17. key force 關鍵力量
18. infectious diseases 傳染病
第三,我們要打造接軌全球的生物及醫療科技產業。這次疫情中,無論是試劑製造、或是新藥和疫苗的研發,「台灣團隊」都有足夠的能力,跟全球頂尖技術接軌。我們要全力扶持相關產業,讓台灣成為全球克服疫病挑戰的關鍵力量。
★★★★★★★★★★★★
Fourth, we are going to develop national defense and strategic industries by integrating military and civilian capabilities. In addition to domestically-produced naval vessel and aircraft programs that are currently underway, we will push harder to promote technological integration between the military and the private sector, to stimulate private sector production capabilities, and advance into the aviation and space industries.
19. national defense 國防
20. strategic industries 戰略產業
21. domestically-produced 國內製造
22. naval vessel 軍艦
23. underway 正在進行的;正在發生的
24. push harder 更加努力
25. technological integration 技術整合
26. stimulate 激發;刺激
27. private sector 私營部門(即民營);民間
28. the aviation and space industries 航空與太空產業
第四,我們要發展軍民整合的國防及戰略產業。除了已經在進行當中的國艦國造、國機國造,我們會更強力推動軍民技術整合,激發民間製造能量,更進一步進軍航空及太空產業。
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Fifth, we are going to accelerate the development of green energy and renewable energy industries. Over the past four years, renewable energy has experienced explosive growth, and Taiwan has become a hotspot for international investment. Building on this foundation, I am confident that we will achieve our goal of deriving 20% of our overall energy from green sources by 2025. We are going to make Taiwan a center for green energy in Asia.
29. green energy 綠能
30. renewable energy 再生能源
31. explosive growth 飛躍性地增長
32. hotspot 熱點
33. derive sth from sth 從…中得到,從…中獲得、取得
第五,我們要加速發展綠電及再生能源產業。過去四年,再生能源有飛躍性的發展,台灣成為國際再生能源投資的熱點。在這個基礎上,2025年綠能占整體能源百分之二十的目標,我有信心可以達成,台灣將成為亞太綠能中心。
★★★★★★★★★★★★
Sixth, we are going to establish strategic stockpile industries that can ensure the steady provision of critical supplies. Facing changes to the global order, we need to keep key industrial chains in Taiwan and maintain a certain degree of self-sufficiency in the production of face masks, medical and daily supplies, energy, and food.
34. strategic stockpile industries 戰略儲備產業
35. the steady provision of critical supplies 關鍵物資的穩定供應
36. the global order 全球秩序
37. key industrial chains 重要的產業鏈
38. a certain degree of 一定程度的……
39. self-sufficiency 自給自足
第六,我們還要建構足以確保關鍵物資供應的民生及戰備產業。面對未來的全球秩序變化,從口罩、醫療及民生用品、能源到糧食供應,我們要把重要的產業鏈留在國內,維持一定的自給率。
★★★★★★★★★★★★
蔡總統就職演說全文英文版:https://bit.ly/2AM9RFN
蔡總統就職演說全文中文版:https://bit.ly/36m0bxp
圖片出處:Google Search
★★★★★★★★★★★★
How might we develop these industries? What would be the first step to take?
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時事英文講義:https://bit.ly/2XmRYXc
時事英文大全:http://bit.ly/2WtAqop
如何使用「時事英文」:https://bit.ly/3a9rr38
promote it on中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
promote it on中文 在 Lukas Engström Youtube 的最佳解答
Note: I have been in contact with Yasemin directly after this letter was published. She is not only supportive of me sharing her letter, she also mentioned that she has received a DAAD scholarship where she will promote Taiwan to German students.
If you are interested in knowing more, and to see her future updates about Taiwan, you can contact her directly here:
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/yasemin.eroglu.95
LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/yasemin-eroglu-25a144162/
See her full letter here: https://www.taiwannews.com.tw/en/news/4245146?fbclid=IwAR2OP_j5NBkPym9rFBorYCiEyxWTEKapYYxac1GQUqOeWlCMdtI-amBJl9o
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